Royal Titulary: What’s in a Name?

“The King is Ka. His utterance is abundance. The one whom he brought up is one who will be somebody. He is Khnum for all limbs, the begetter of the begotten. He is Bastet, who protects the Two Lands. The one who praises him will be protected by his arm. He is Sekhmet against those who disobey his orders, and the one with whom he disagrees will be laden with sorrow.”

 – The Loyalist Instruction of Sehetepibre

The word ‘pharaoh’ is derived from the Egyptian per-a’a, meaning “great house”, a reference to the royal court of Egypt. In the modern conception of ancient Egypt, the pharaoh is synonymous with our understanding of the governing forces behind the Egyptian state during this period. The monuments of the pharaohs are littered across the landscape, from the northernmost Nile Delta to conquered lands in the Sudan. Throughout history, cultures have been obsessed with Egypt and its god-kings – thanks to ancient peoples such as the Romans and modern events such as the Napoleonic expedition to Egypt during the French Revolutionary Wars, ancient Egyptian monuments can be found in France, Italy and throughout Europe. This lasting fascination with the world of the ancient Egyptians, and particularly with the pharaohs who ruled that world, has persisted into modernity. The history of the pharaohs is colourful, and the lasting monuments and objects left behind for archaeologists to discover allows us to reveal hidden truths regarding these ancient kings.

The Five Part Titles of the King

Egyptian pharaohs were known by more than one name – by the Middle Kingdom, each pharaoh had a full titulary consisting of five different names.

The Horus name is the oldest form of the pharaoh’s name and is evident from the Predynastic Period onwards. This name was usually written in a serekh, a special hieroglyphic symbol that has been argued to represent the façade of the royal palace. The falcon god Horus would be depicted perching upon the serekh, representing the close ties of the pharaoh to the divine world, and the protection that this afforded them.

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This potsherd bears an incised serekh containing the name of Narmer, a major figure in the process of the unification of Egypt into a single kingdom (E.5242).

The serekh has been argued to originate  during the Naqada III period of the Predynastic at the latest. The oldest known tombs including the ‘palace façade’ decoration were found at Saqqara and Naqada, dating to the reign of King Hor-Aha, although the serekh’s appearance before these tombs were built indicates structures of a similar nature must have existed earlier. The earliest examples of serekhs do not include the Horus falcon perched above the serekh structure, and others show some variance (such as the inclusion of two falcons instead of one); the serekh decoration was only formalised at the beginning of the Pharaonic Period.

The Nebty (or Two Ladies) name was associated with two goddesses thought to personify Upper and Lower Egypt – the vulture goddess, Nekhbet, patron of Upper Egypt, and the cobra goddess Wadjet, patron of Lower Egypt. This name represented not only the duality of the king, and his rulership over Egypt in its entirety, but also illustrates once again the divine protection afforded to the royal name. This design may originate from the royal tombs of early kings Hor-Aha and Djer from Abydos, where ivory tags show the Two Ladies (although they are mounted upon the red crown of Egypt, rather than the typical basket hieroglyph).

The Golden Horus name is preceded by the image of the god Horus, perched above the hieroglyphic sign for gold. This is thought to either provide a link between the pharaoh and the prosperity of Egypt but may potentially illustrate the triumph and success of Horus and relate it to the success of the king. Alternatively, it has been suggested that it might represent the triumphs of Horus, with the hieroglyphic symbol for ‘gold’ being taken to show the superiority of Horus over his foes.

The following two names are traditionally written inside a cartouche, the first instance of which is found on a clay sealing showing the name of Nebka from Beit Khallaf. The ancient Egyptians believed that names held magical power, and so the cartouche was a form of protection that encircled the final two names of the pharaoh.

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Line drawing of a clay sealing from Beit Khallaf with the first known use of a cartouche (top left) encircling the name of 3rd Dynasty King Nebka (E.5251).

The Throne Name (prenomen) is accompanied by the title nesu-bity, which translates roughly to “Dual King”. The sedge and bee hieroglyphs used to write this title have traditionally been associated with the two lands of Upper and Lower Egypt and translated as “king of Upper and Lower Egypt”. Recent research, however, indicates that they may instead refer to two specific roles of the king – the king acting as both a nesu-king and a bity-king, fulfilling different functions in each role.

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This inscribed piece of limestone shows the nesu-bity hieroglyphs alongside the bottom of a cartouche (E.7802).

The Personal Name (nomen) was the name of the pharaoh given at birth. The name is preceded with the epithet sa Ra, meaning “son of Ra”. This name was first introduced in the 4th Dynasty, and ties the king closely with Ra, the Egyptian sun god. This is the name most commonly used to refer to pharaohs in popular culture and is where their anglicized names tend to derive from (for example, Ramesses).

Royal Names at the Garstang: Queen Neith-hotep and the Naqada Royal Tomb

One of the most curious objects at the Garstang Museum is a clay seal impression from the Naqada Royal Tomb. This object is unique in that it contains the name of a woman named Neith-hotep within in the form of a serekh. Traditionally, the serekh would not be used for the name of anyone who was not themselves a king (i.e. ruler in their own right, not a consort), which raises interesting questions about Neith-hotep and her role and responsibilities.

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The name of Neith-hotep is shown in the form of serekhs in this mud sealing from the Naqada Royal Tomb (E. 1335).

 

One possibility is that the formal use of the serekh had not been codified entirely by this early point in Egyptian history, and there was some variability and experimentation that allowed the name of Neith-hotep to be presented in the same way as the name of a pharaoh. However, this does not discount the possibility that Neith-hotep was herself a queen or ruler in her own right.

This poses an important question to the modern archaeologist – do we assume that Neith-hotep was not a ruler in her own right because of historically entrenched views on masculine kingship in Egypt, where female kings are curious exceptions in a predominantly male lineage? Or are we being overly optimistic, applying a more modern, egalitarian ideology into the ancient past when we suppose that she may have held similar power to her son, King Hor-Aha, or her husband, King Narmer? These important questions will be explored in greater depth in the museum’s upcoming exhibit in May 2019, Before Egypt.

Christopher Bebbington.

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Reflections of the Natural World – Predynastic Palettes

Egyptian ‘cosmetic’ palettes are found during the Predynastic period, they are made of flat pieces of stone – often described as ‘slate’, but in actuality siltstone – on which pigmented material could be ground up and made into cosmetics. The palette is a curious piece of material culture in Egyptian history; they are found throughout both Egypt and Nubia, and take on various distinct forms and evolutions throughout the Predynastic Period. Despite their ubiquity in the burial context, palettes quickly vanish from the archaeological record during the Pharaonic Period, disappearing not only from the material culture of Pharaonic Egyptian burials from the 1st Dynasty onwards but also from later material culture found in Nubian C-group burials.

Animal Forms

Palettes come in a variety of forms. In the Badarian to early Naqada I Period, they were primarily simplistic rectangular pieces of siltstone, clearly a form more suited to functionality than aesthetic value. In the later Naqada I, II & III periods, however, palette forms change to become predominantly shaped into forms reminiscent of animals. Of these zoomorphic palettes, the most common representations include fish, birds and turtles, though there are also more unusual examples such as hippopotami and gazelles.

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Predynastic oblong palette from the Hierakonpolis Fort Cemetery (E.5308a).

 

The Nubian A-Group also had their own distinctive cosmetic palettes, though there is evidence of importation of Egyptian palettes as well. These palettes were usually made from quartz, rather than siltstone, with most Egyptian siltstone palettes being found in the northern regions, closer to the First Cataract. Nubian palettes have similar feature to their Egyptian neighbours, though often of simpler geometric shapes rather than zoomorphic forms; there is evidence of use from observable malachite residue on many palettes, and they were usually deposited in burial contexts.

The Importance of Iconography

Animal iconography is used across all mediums of Predynastic art, including ceramic vessels, taking the recognisable forms of turtles, birds, fish, hippopotami and other animals found represented in cosmetic palettes. Perhaps the most obvious form of animal representation in Predynastic vessels are theriomorphic stone and ceramic vessels, such as those found in Cemetery T at Naqada and in the Main Deposit at Hierakonpolis. Similar zoomorphic material is found on a range of objects of beautification and personal adornment, including ivory bangles and combs with carved tops in the form of bull horns or birds, as well as on prehistoric graffiti across the breadth of Egypt.

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Predynastic fish-shaped palette (E. 5318).

 

The use of animal iconography across Predynastic material culture illustrates the importance of these animals to the Egyptian people at this time. These recurring motifs indicate that the fauna of the Nile Valley was of great importance to Predynastic Egyptians, and while any symbolic or religious associations can only be conjectured about, the actual animals themselves played a key part in the visual landscape that prehistoric Egyptians inhabited. As well as illustrating the Preydnastic fascination with the native fauna, palettes also indicate the importance of cosmetics and beautification in Predynastic society, as well as providing evidence for trade between regions in Upper Egypt and A-Group sites in the Sudan.

Christopher Bebbington.

Horses in Ancient Egypt

There have been developments in the research into E.6953, regarding its context and Ancient Egyptian attitudes to horses.

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The object is likely to have been made of Nile silt, due to the characteristic red colouring of the clay, suggesting that the object was made in Egypt, not in the Ancient Near East, where other such models come from. The two horses share a body and four legs but have their own heads, a style that may have been utilised to make the model robust and easier to make. They have reins and blinkers, which may indicate that the break at the rear of the object was a chariot. The fact that this figurine depicts a chariot is unusual, as this is the only example that has been found in the course of this research and other examples depict only one horse.

The object cannot be dated before the New Kingdom, as this is when horses were introduced to Ancient Egypt, as the first archaeological evidence of horses is at the Hyksos site of Tell El-Dab’a, where a significantly large number of horse molars have been found. This indicates that the species may have been introduced during the settlement of the Hyksos during the Second Intermediate Period.  Horses are depicted in writing for the first time in the Stela of Kamose, before becoming a routine feature in Ancient Egyptian art and becoming a standard hieroglyphic sign.  The hieroglyphic sign for the collective is ‘sesmet’, which is derived from the Arabic ‘susim’ and indicates the influence that Ancient Near Eastern culture had on the Ancient Egyptians.

Horses and Power

In Ancient Egypt, horses were never used for labour, but were a symbol of royal power and heroic actions in scenes of chaos. In the Kadesh Inscription of Rameses II, his two horses are named ‘Victory in Thebes’ and ‘Mut is content’. The fact that these animals were given theophoric names by the king indicates the prestige that they held with royalty. It also shows how even though horses were not a part of religion, they could be used to indicate how the gods were always beside the king. The fact that Rameses II also tells his officers that his horses would be eating with him, because they behaved more nobly than they did, indicates the level of care that was given to these creatures. Although this is hyperbole, it does indicate the high regard that horses were given in Ancient Egypt.

Similarly, the Sphinx Stela of Amenhotep II also describes an episode where he is shooting at a target from his chariot and describes how he trained his horses into fine beasts. This indicates that these were a highly revered animal and were an important part of royal iconography, especially as horses were expensive to obtain and maintain. It also indicates how they were an important part of Ancient Egyptian warfare, being used to pull chariot in battle, from which the rider would then fight.

The fact that the king was so appreciative of these animals in Ancient Egypt can be seen in the Stela of King Piye from the Nubian Twenty-fifth Dynasty. After finally ending his assault on King Namart, ‘His Majesty proceeded to the stable of the horses and the quarters of the foals. When he saw they had been [left] to hunger, he said “I swear, as [Ra] loves me, as my nose is refreshed by life; that my horses were made to hunger pains me more than any other crime you committed in your recklessness!”’ This passionate speech shows the real concern of the king at the poor state in which he has found the horses and that he finds it the most despicable crime of Namart, indicating the passion the Ancient Egyptians for horses.

Hunting and Racing?

Near the palace site of Malkata at Kom el-Abd, a track of 4km width and 120km in length has been discovered. It has been suggested that this is a racecourse for chariot racing, however it is difficult to date this structure and with a lack of comparisons from within Egypt, it would be hard to ascribe this function to the site confidently. The tomb of Userhet (TT56) shows the owner hunting using chariots pulled by horses. The reins are wrapped around his lower waist in order to free his hands for hunting. This is important, as it shows that horses were often pulling chariots in Egyptian art, which would indicate why E.6953 is of two horses.

Finally, horses were not just valiant, brave and noble creatures to be used in hunting and warfare, but they also had rather a romantic image. This can be seen in poems written on P. Chester Beatty I, Verso, where the poet writes:

‘Oh, might I welcome you

As the king’s own steed is welcome,

A champion chosen from thousands,

Thoroughbred, best in the stables.’

Lauren Hill.

 

Translations taken from:

Foster, J.L. (1992) Love Songs of the New Kingdom. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Further Reading:

Houlihan, P. (2002) “Animals in Egyptian Art and Hieroglyphs” in Collins (ed.) A History of the Animal World in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, pp. 97-144.

Teeter, E. (2010) Baked Clay Figurines and Votive Beds from Medinet Habu. Chicago.

Burials and Grave Goods in the Predynastic – You Can Take It With You!

Typically, the modern audience associates burial and funerary ritual in ancient Egypt with the iconic imagery of the Pharaonic period – meticulously mummified bodies locked away deep in tombs filled with ancient treasures. However, the practice of preserving the body after death and providing assemblages of burial objects dates much earlier, going as far back as at least c. 6000 years ago. These early burials – such as the iconic Gebelein Predynastic “mummies” – did not go through a deliberate process of preservation, but instead were naturally desiccated by the desert environment that they were buried in.

The lack of written language and knowledge of Predynastic funerary ritual poses a problem for the modern Egyptologist – how to interpret the assemblages of goods that were deposited alongside the body. Without any literature to allow the Egyptians themselves to “tell” us why they included these objects in burials, we must carefully extrapolate and interpret the meanings and significance behind these objects. It is undeniable, however, that their inclusion in burials illustrates that these objects proved important in some fashion for the deceased.

Pottery

The most common grave good found in Predynastic burials is the simple pot. These come in various forms but decorated (or D-Ware) vessels are of particular interest. These vessels were painted with iconography and imagery reflective of the geography of the Nile Valley, the natural flora and fauna of the region, and human activities. Often, they include depictions of boats indicating the importance of riverine trade in the Predynastic.

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The decoration used on Predynastic D-Ware vessels gives modern scholars an insight into the motifs and iconography that were important or relevant to ancient Egyptian culture at this time (E.3033).

 

Generally, Predynastic burials contain numerous ceramics, often placed over the body or alongside it. Occasionally these vessels contain other grave goods, such as ceramic figurines. Whether the inclusion of these vessels indicates that they belonged to the deceased or their family is unclear; they may have been included in burials for a specific ritual purpose, or as goods that could be taken to the next life.

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Petrie’s C-Ware is named for the iconic white ‘crossed-line’ decoration which can be seen on this bowl. This is another common form of pottery decoration in the Predynastic (E.4195).

Palettes

Another very common grave good associated with the Predynastic is the cosmetic palette. These objects are most commonly made of siltstone (often described as ‘slate’) and come in a variety of forms. The Badarian and Naqada I period palettes are often simple oblong shapes on which pigmented material such as malachite could be ground up into cosmetic powder. In the later Naqada periods, however, palettes commonly took on a host of forms that reflected the fauna of the Nile Valley – common examples include turtles, fish and birds.

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Fish-shaped palettes are a very common feature of graves in the Predynastic, further illustrating the importance of the river Nile and the fauna around and within it during this formative period of Egyptian culture (E.5318).

The use of animal shapes in these palettes has clear parallels across the breadth of Predynastic Egyptian art. Animal iconography is commonly found on Predynastic decorated vessels, taking the recognisable forms of turtles, birds, fish, hippopotami and other animal forms, indicating the importance of the natural world and the flora and fauna of the Nile Valley to Predynastic Egyptian social groups. Notably, residue from cosmetics and evidence of wear has been found on numerous palettes, indicating that they were not just burial goods but also were used in life – whether specifically by the deceased, or by someone with a familial/social relation to them.

Figurines

One of the more unusual forms of burial good found in Predynastic graves is the anthropomorphic figurine. Usually made of ceramic, understanding the meaning of these figurines has posed a significant challenge to Egyptologists. The lack of defined facial features and individual, personal aspects in the form of the figurines suggests that they were not personal representation of the deceased; instead it has been theorised that they represented a deity (often characterised as a ‘fertility’ or ‘mother goddess’) or had a ritual meaning. It has been suggested that, alternatively, these figurines might have been ritually deposited (or even, in some cases, ritually broken) as part of the burial rites or as a display of mourning.

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Predynastic ceramic figurines usually include emphasis on the genitalia and a lack of decoration on the face. However, ivory statuettes such as this piece from the Louvre (E 11887) often have great deal of detail devoted to their facial features (photograph by Guillaume Blanchard, distributed under a CC A-SA 1.0 license).

Some of the most striking examples are the “steatopygous” female figurines (a word that refers to their large buttocks), which often have their arms raised over their heads. This gesture can be seen in representations of humans across Predynastic art, from figurines to decoration on vessels, to graffiti and art on cave walls. One interpretation of this gesture is that it refers to some kind of ritual behaviour or form of worship, and the presence of these figurines might indicate that the deceased had a personal connection with religious customs or divine spirituality.

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The depictions of humans on D-ware vessels can be strikingly similar to human-shaped figurines and Predynastic rock art (E.3027).

Personal Adornment and Miscellanea

 Objects found in Predynastic burials often reflect practices of personal adornment or status, such as the inclusion of imported beads of lapis lazuli from far as Afghanistan, obsidian from as far as Ethiopia and meteoric iron. These more luxurious and “high-status” objects may have been impersonated in other burials through the use of alternative materials – for example, bone and shell bracelets are a relatively common find and these may have been impersonations of objects of personal adornment made from a more affordable, readily-available material.

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This shell bracelet from Hierakonpolis illustrates how objects of personal adornment were made not only from luxurious precious metals and stones, but also more easily-accessible material (E.7262).

Other miscellaneous objects in burials may have reflected information about the individual, their status in society, or their social roles and relationships – for example, objects made of flint such as knives, scrapers and arrowheads may illustrate something particular about the deceased (although this is impossible to know for sure). These objects may have been included for a specific funerary purpose, but they may instead be objects that had a special significance for the deceased or for the larger community engaging with the funerary ritual.

Funerary Customs in the Predynastic

Burials are fundamental to our understanding of the Egyptian Predynastic, with cemeteries often the only archaeological sites that have survived. The study of these burials does not just tell us more about the funerary beliefs and burial culture of Predynastic Egyptians, but also illustrates the development of stratification and hierarchies in social groups, the themes and iconography that was important at this time, and the vast trade networks that existed even at this early point in human history. While the large tombs and detailed burial customs of Pharaonic Egypt are perhaps more famous and well-known, their rich lineage can be traced back to the simple pit burials of the Predynastic.

Chris Bebbington.

All You Need Is Love: Modern Themes in Ancient Egyptian Love Poems

It is easy to get distracted by the largest and most obvious material from ancient Egypt – vast tombs, colossal statues and beautiful jewellery. This can lead to a disconnect in our understanding of what ancient Egyptian life was really like – how ‘normal’ people felt, behaved, and acted. One of the ways that scholars try to connect with ancient Egypt at a personal, individual level is through the translation and understanding of literature written by ancient Egyptians themselves; and on Valentine’s Day, what better way is there to do that than to read some ancient Egyptian love poetry?

What Is Love?

Surviving evidence of Egyptian love poems and songs comes from the Ramesside workman’s village of Deir el-Medina (a community of craftsmen who worked on the tombs in the Valley of the Kings). Because of the dry desert conditions, fragile material such as papyrus survives to a greater extent here than it does elsewhere. Exceptional literary finds have been discovered at Deir el-Medina, including the famous cache of the scribe Kenherkhopeshef; dream books, medico-magical papyri and literary tales. Some of the rarest of these finds are poetry and songs meditating on love, romance and desire.

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The site of Deir el-Medina; its unusual location has led to a very good rate of preservation(photograph by Kingtut, distributed under a CC A-SA 3.0 license).

 

Vision of Love

One of the most curious and enjoyable aspects of Egyptian love poetry is how similar the sentiments and expressions are to modern love songs; the language of love transcends time and place. Often, the songs list the beautiful qualities of their subjects, going into (sometimes slightly excruciating!) detail about just how wonderful their lover is. Often, the poetry will discuss emotions and situations that the modern reader might be quite familiar with; for example, the idea of the ‘girl next door’ – or in this case, the ‘girl across the Nile’!

“I love a girl, but she lives over there,

On the far side of the river,

A whole Nile in flood rages between,

With a crocodile hunched on the sand.”

– Cairo Ostracon 25218

Often, metaphors and similes are used which are familiar to us as modern readers – ideas such as feeling ‘drunk’ on love, becoming ‘ill’ with desire, and in this particular case, having one’s breath stolen away by the one they love.

“Whenever I leave you, I go out of breath,

(Death must be lonely like I am);

I dream lying dreams of your love lost,

And my heart stands still inside me.”

– Papyrus Harris 500

Other metaphors that are often used in Egyptian love poetry relate to animals, geography and the natural world. The geography of the Nile Valley, and its flora and fauna, was an important source of inspiration in Egyptian art from theriomorphic vessels in the Predynastic period, to Middle Kingdom tomb paintings, to decoration on the floors of the New Kingdom city of Amarna. This fascination with the natural world is also evident in Egyptian love poetry.

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Motifs found on the decoration of Predynastic ceramic vessels such as this one illustrate the Egyptians’ fascination with the geography, flora and fauna of the Nile Valley even from the very earliest periods of history (E. 3030).

“Oh, hurry to look at your love!

Be like horses charging in battle,

Like a gardener up with the sun,

Burning to watch his prize bud open.”

– Papyrus Harris 500

Some of the themes that are reflected in Egyptian love poetry might seem more distant from the modern perspective; in particular, there are a number of poems which refer to religious themes and divine aspects. However, a reflection of religious ideas in love poetry was a common motif throughout ancient and modern history, and given the inextricable connection between religion and literature in ancient Egypt, it is not unexpected to find religious ideas reflected in love poems.

“I found my love by the secret canal,

Feet dangling down in the water,

He had made a hushed cell in the thicket, for worship,

To dedicate this day,

To holy elevation of the flesh.”

– Papyrus Chester Beatty I

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The prevalence of religion in daily life in ancient Egypt makes religious themes and motifs an obvious inclusion in love poetry. This sculpture depicts the cow-goddess Hathor, who was associated with love and fertility (E. 66).

 

Of course, that is not to say that all Egyptian love poetry was focused on beautiful metaphors, charming compliments and delicate longing. In fact, some of the poetry might be seen as a little raunchy by modern standards – here is one of the tamer examples!

“When we kiss, and her warm lips half open,

I fly cloud-high without beer!

What paradise gained, what fulfilment, what a heavenly turn of affairs!

Oh, raise one to Menkat, Our Lady of Liquor,

But keep your mouth tight on the girl!”

– Cairo Ostracon 25218

The Power of Love

One of the most endearing aspects of Egyptian love poetry is undoubtedly how relatable the thoughts and feelings expressed within it are to the modern audience. Poems that describe the delicate flutter of the heart when a paramour is near; the delight of a chance meeting with someone you have a crush on; and the joy of spending a day with someone you truly love. It can be said that love forever changes, but the language of love translates remarkably well across great distances and vast gulfs in time. Happy Valentine’s Day!

Christopher Bebbington.

Translations taken from:

Foster, J.L. (1992) Love Songs of the New Kingdom. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Personal Piety: Religion and the People

The ancient Egyptians did not have a word for religion; their religion was so deeply ingrained into everyday society that it was more an intrinsic way of life than a formalised set of beliefs. However, decorum during the Old and Middle Kingdoms of ancient Egypt dictated that only royalty could be depicted interacting with the gods. Therefore, our evidence for ancient Egyptian religion and worship is drawn almost entirely from royal tombs and the burials of elite individuals. This gives us a very narrow view of the everyday Egyptian’s experiences with the divine.

One of the few known examples of a god involved in the personal sphere is Bes, the protective dwarf god. His short, squat stature, leonine features and gurning face were believed to have scared away evil spirits. Unusually Bes was always depicted from the front, rather than the traditional profile seen in Egyptian art. Representations of the god are found on so-called ‘Bes Jars’; these were often found in the home and are thought to have protected women and children. Images of Bes (along with numerous other protective demons) are also found on ivory ‘wands’.

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‘Bes Jars’ represent the grotesque features of the household god, Bes. (E. 6807)

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Ivory ‘wands’ often included images of protective demons with surreal forms. (E. 7007)

It was during the Ramesside Period that changes in belief meant that the gods could be shown interacting with anyone. Increased evidence of ‘personal’ piety during this period gives us a greater understanding of the way the gods were conceptualised in the ‘everyday’. The gods were now represented in almost every aspect of Egyptian life. For example, Egyptian magical medicine rituals used statues of the young god Horus, known as cippi statues, in healing and protective rituals.

In non-royal tombs, it became more acceptable for the tomb owner to show personal interaction with the gods. This personal connection is visible through divine patronage, which could be used by Egyptians to justify their decisions in life and further their status in death. In his tomb, Zimut-Kiki claimed to have left his entire fortune to Mut, emphasising his personal connection with the goddess. Funerary stelae from this time also show the gods having a direct impact on their non-royal worshippers; the stela of Amennakht claims that Amennakht was struck blind by the goddess Meretseger as testament to her power.

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This Graeco-Roman stele depicts the deceased being led to the afterlife with the support of the gods. (E. 89)

During the Ramesside period Egyptians seemed to have more direct access to their gods. Statues of deities were still sequestered away in their temples, and only the very highest order of priests, and the king, were allowed contact with them. However, at the Temple of Amun at Karnak, the addition of a ‘Temple of the Hearing Ear’ suggests that Egyptian people could pray directly to the gods, and possibly receive answers to their questions. Similarly, numerous stelae exist that depict the gods alongside iconography of ears, implying that the gods took a personal interest in hearing the prayers of their followers.

It is hard to understand such a complex religion, which has been extinct for thousands of years, but by looking at the material culture of everyday religion in ancient Egypt we can achieve a broader comprehension of the way that non-royal Egyptians made sense of their world. This enables us to move beyond the historic fixation on the elite of Egyptian society and better understand the lived experience of ancient Egyptian people.

Louise O’Brien, Chris Bebbington